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Page 1. The occupation of the Tower of London. The French ambassador Noailles, who was closely watching the progress of events at the time of the death of Edward the Sixth, thus describes the seizure of the Tower, which in a second place he states to have been accomplished at two o'clock in the morning of Friday the 7th of July, that is, as soon as the lords could reach London from Greenwich, where the king expired late on the previous evening. "Le dict jour millord tresorier, marquis de Northampton, comte de Scheresbury, et M. l'admiral, estoient entres dans la Tour, ou ils avoient visite le tresor, gardes, forteresses, artillerie et munitions, laissant ledict sieur admiral avec bonne compagnie dedans pour la garde d'icelle, lequel y est pour n'en despartir tant que ce trouble durera." And a courier sent to France was instructed to report "Comme des le lendemain vendredy, deux heures de matin, milord tresorier et marquis de Northampton, comte de Scheresbury, et l'admiral vindrent en la Tour, faire le dit admiral connestable d'icelle, lui baillant en garde les tresors, munitions, et prisonniers y etant." (Ambabsades de Noailles, ii. 52, 56.) It seems not improbable, then, that the lord admiral (Clinton) was really constituted constable of the Tower, and so continued during the reign of queen Jane, to the exclusion of sir John Gage: the statement, therefore, derived by Strype from Machyn's Diary, and thence detailed in the works of subsequent historians, will be correct, excepting that the name of sir James Croft is placed in the room of sir John Gage. This remark is made partly in order to complete the list of the constables and lieutenants of the Tower prefixed to Machyn's Diary at p. xix; and in further amendment of the same the name of sir Thomas Brydges may be inserted as the lieutenant in succession to his brother, lord Chandos, in June 1554, on the authority of the present volume, p. 76.

Page 1, line 5 of note a, for some read sure.

Page 2. Sir Nicholas Throckmorton. The story told in the verses may be thought less probable when it is considered in connection with two circumstances of the conduct of sir Nicholas at this crisis, 1. that he drew the proclamation of queen Jane, as stated by Cecill in his Apology; 2. that he was engaged in a military capacity on behalf of queen Jane, and narrowly escaped from an attack of the townsmen of Northampton (as related by the letter-writer in p. 12). After that, he united with sir Thomas Tresham to support queen Mary (p. 13).

Page 9, note b, read Sir Thomas Cheney.

Page 14, line 14, for Allgate read Aldelsgate.

Page 18, line 23, for mr. John Abridges read Thomas; but it is an error of the original manuscript.

Page 25, line 25, for was judge read can judge. Line 29, the word printed fewers is doubtful, but it is apparently ferwers and perhaps meaning fervours, i.e. the fervour of youth. In page 26, line 4, for attempted, the sense requires unattempted, but this is an error of the writer.

Page 32, note b, The parliament met at Westminster on Thursday the 5th October, the queen being then present. (Journals of the House of Commons, i. 27; and see Elder's Tract, antea, p. 154.)

Page 33, line 23, for Roane read Rome. The MS. is so obscure, that the Editor (as explained in the note) was induced to believe Rouen was mentioned. The book was printed at Rouen, but another edition printed in London by Hugh Singleton, was pretended to be printed "in Rome;" see Ames's Typographical Antiquities (edit. Dibdin), vol. iii. p. 290; vol. iv. p. 291.

Page 45, line 5. Sir Rychard Southwell should be Sir Robert, who was the sheriff of Kent; this is an error of the chronicler.

Page 45. Wyat's conduct in Southwark. Stowe, has inserted in the account of Wyat's stay in Southwark, derived from our author, the following paragraph:

"Notwithstanding, foorthwith divers of his company, being gentlemen (as they sayd), went to Winchester place, made havocke of the bishop's goods (hee being lord chancellor), not onely of his victuals, whereof there was plenty, but whatsoever els, not leaving so much as one locke of a doore but the same was taken off and carried away, nor a book in his gallery or library uncut, or rent into pieces, so that men might have gone up to the knees in leaves of bookes, cut out and throwne under feete." This statement is no doubt highly exaggerated. Proctor, who was much prejudiced against Wyat, admits that he immediately checked the spoil of Winchester house, and so sharply threatened a certain young gentleman, who was the most active party therein, that he made divers believe that he would have hanged him on the wharf. Another proof of Wyat's moderation was, that he abstained from releasing the prisoners in the Marshalsea. See the narrative of Mountain's troubles in Strype's Memorials.

After Wyat was defeated, the French ambassador, De Noailles, paid him the tribute of having proved himself the most valiant and confident insurgent that he had ever heard of, -- "le plus vaillant et asseure de quoye j'aye jamais ouy parler, qui a mis ladicte dame et seigneurs de son conseil en telle et si grande peur, qu'elle s'est veue par l'espece de huict jours en bransle de sa couronne." Noailles had before written of him at the commencement of the insurrection, as one "qui est estime par deça homme vaillant et de bonne conduicte;" and M. D'Oysel the French ambassador in Scotland, who was at this time in London, having informed the king, his master, of Sir Thomas Croft's designs, adds that he was joined by "Sir Thomas Wiat, qui est ung autre gentil chevallier et fort estime parmy ceste nation." Ambassades de Noailles, iii. 15, 46, 59.

Page 120, line 18, for form read from.

Page 122. The Second insurrection of the duke of Suffolk. The depositions of John Bowyer and Thomas Rampton, the steward and secretary of the duke of Suffolk, which are preserved in the State Paper Office, elucidate the history of the last outbreak of that rash and ill advised nobleman, with greater perspicuity than has hitherto found its way into our history.

John Bowyer commences his narration by stating that, having been summoned to attend upon his master at Shene, on Friday the 26th of January, he was ordered to go to London to fetch a sum of 100 marks which were in his custody, and also to tell lord Thomas and lord John Grey to start from London at vj that evening. Bowyer, with the money, was to rejoin the duke at Leicester. He performed his master's commands in London, and arranged to accompany the two lords. They started at vij that evening; and, going by way of Enfield Chase, left Barnet on one side, and called at the house of Mr. Wroth; which, from another paper, [1] we learn was at Cheshunt. Wroth came out of his house, and one Harrington with him This was John Harrington, of whom more anon. After some parley, Wroth and Harrington declined to proceed with them on such short notice. So they went on to St. Alban's, and thence through Dunstable, Brickhill, and Stony Stratford, not stopping to bait until they arrived at Towcester, where they expected to overtake the duke. He had ridden on to Lutterworth, where they found him at the house of one Johnson, a tenant of his, and so they rode together to Bradgate the next day. Up to this time, as Bowyer declared, he was ignorant of their intentions, but then he heard them say that "they would go with all the power they might against the Spaniards."

Bowyer was next required to tell what was done to further the insurrection whilst the duke remained in his own house; but he was evidently unwilling to inculpate himself. He owned to having been employed to write to Palmer of Kegworth,[2] to summon him. -- Mr doctor Cave [3] was with the duke in his chamber devising a letter to be sent to the queen: and a form of proclamation was prepared, and sent for publication to lord John Grey, lord Thomas Grey, and Rampton.

The same night (Monday the 29th January,) the duke rode to Leicester, and there after supper, went about the Newewark, and saw all the gates fastened, and then said that the earl of Huntingdon would take his part, and had sent word so to him.

The following day he commanded Bowyer to write a letter to the townshippe of Northampton to have them in aredyness, and therewith sent a proclamation also. About the same time Bowyer heard from lord Thomas that he had received five hundred pounds from Palmer.

"In the afternoone he (the duke) armed himself and cawsed all his servauntes to arme theim. I being in the chambre with him, bade me to boockell his cosshes, and being chaffed at some thing sodainelie gave me a lytell blowe with the back of his hand, and whether he thought hit had bene his armorer or no I cannot tell, but I left him in his chambre and fet him his monie, the hundreth marckes which 1 had, and told him I had mard both my geldinges with the carryadge of the monie, and so desyred that if I shoold carrie hit still he woold appoint me one of his geldinges for my man. Then he said he had no geldinges to spare, and tooke tbe money to one Gerves." Bowyer then adds (in order to shew that he was an unwilling agents that at that time he had no armour upon him, nor for a long time after, insomuch that the duke was very angry with him, and bad him to put a jack or some thing else upon him, which he then did.

The duke sent a letter by Berridge, the carrier of Leicester, to Shene, to one Fynderne and Cholmley, for all his plate.

On Tuesday (January 30) in the afternoon, the duke rode towards Coventry, and at his coming within a quarter of a mile he sent to the gates, and Burdet brought him answer that the gates were shut against him. Then he with all his company rode to Astley, and there every man pnt off his harneyes, and the lord Thomas and the lord John took fryse coats of the servants. Soon after, whilst Bowyer was absent from the company looking after his horses, the money was hastily divided, so that he and two or three more had nothing at all. "Then I wished I had never known service to see that change, so hevie a companie as theare was!"

"Then I went in to the howse and thought to see him and so departe my waie, for I sawe my lord Thomas was going awaie, and as I was going he (this is apparently the duke himself) called me to him and said he woold weare my cote. I told him I was the more sorryer to see hit; and so I did put of my cote, and being in my hoze and doublet did wrap my cloake about me and praied God to send him well to dooe, and so departed, not having anie thing at all but a damasking dagger, which I gave immedyatlie awaie to a servaunte of the howse, and so went into the towne."

"Thomas Rampton's confessyon of his practise at Coventry for the having of the towne to the duke of Suffolk's use" is a long paper, of which the most important particulars are as follow: --

Upon his first coming to Coventry he consulted with Mr. Anthony Corbyt, his "old familyar," whom he did not find well inclined to his purpose. But Richard Aslyn and one Frauncis volunteered their assistance. He shewed them the declaration made in the duke's proclamation, that his object was to withstand the coming of the strangers; and they affirmed in reply that "the whole of this town is my lord's and at his commandement, unles it be certayn of the counsayle of the towne." They then told him they thought it necessary to obtain immediate possession of Warwick and Killingworth castles, in the former of which were viij pieces of ordnance. Two other townsmen then joined their consultation, named William Glover and Clerk, who had just come from London, and had talked by the way of the duke's coming down.

"Then Clerk told me that my lordes grace had done evill in one point, for by the waye at Tauxator (Towcester) he had (commyng now downe into the countrey) spoken openly that he had not passing fortye poundes in his house, "for (sayeth he) that may be a discoragyng to men that peradventure shall looke for money at his handes."

"Tushe (sayeth Glover), let not my lord care for money, for yf he will come hether, there will be money ynough for hym. I know he shall not want money, I know yt."

Mr. Burdet is then mentioned as being Rampton's companion, who was to go and give the duke notice when they were prepared to receive him in the city.

But the friends of the house of Grey were either too few or too timid to make an effectual head. A messenger that Rampton had sent to Warwick to Hudson, one of his fellows, returned with tidings that Hudson had already been arrested by the earl of Huntingdon; after hearing which, Rampton himself left Coventry, telling his friends that he went to hasten the coming of the duke.

The statement of Bowyer shews that the share of John Harrington in this conspiracy was something more than merely carrying a letter, which, it seems, he afterwards told his family (see the notes previously inserted in pp. 53, 71). A letter of bishop Gardyner to secretary Petre relates the circumstances of his arrest: --

"Master secretary, after my most harty commendations. In the mornyng I thought good to serch the mynoresse and Medles lodging [4] there for letters, and, among others founde a letter lately wrytten by Harrington, which Harrington cam to me this night, and, after examination, I have taken him tardy by occasion of that lettre, and kept him with me as prisoner this night, entending in the mornyng to send him to the towre; for he hath confessed howe upon fridaye at night the lord John Gray cam to Cheston, where master Wroth and he was, and spake with master Wroth and him to get a gyde to leade him the waye to Saincte Albons, bicause he was commaunded by the quene, he said, to levye men in his countrie in al the hast; and more I cannot get yet, but ye muste in any wise send for th'apprehension of Wroth, and this matier wyl cume out and towche fully.

"And as I was in hand with that matier, were delyvered such lettres as in tymes past I durst not have opened, but nowe sumwhat hette with treasons I waxed bolder. Wherin I trust I shalbe borne with: wherin happe helpith me, for they be worth the breking up and I could holly disciphre them; wherin I wyl spare sumwhat of my leysure if I canne have any; but this apperith, that the lettre wryten from my lady Elizabeth to the quenes highnes nowe late in her excuse is taken a matier worthy to be sent in to Fraunce, for I have the copy of it in the Frenche ambassadours pacquet.[5] I wyl knowe what canne be doone in the disciphring, and to morowe remitte that I cannot doo unto youe. And so fare ye hartely wel. At my howse in Sowthwerke the xxvij of January.

Master Wharton shall

tel youe the rest.

Yor assured loving friend,

STE. WlNTON. cancell'."

To the right worshipful syr William

Peter, knight, oone of the quenes highnes principal secretoryes."


The assertion of bishop Cooper (before noticed in p. 123), that the duke of Suffolk "again proclaimed his daughter," though certainly untrue, was not only countenanced by George Ferrers in Grafton's Chronicle, who says that he proceeded "to publish a proclamation in his daughter's name," but might be justified by the following royal proclamation: which assumes the duke's intentions to have been to revive his daughter's claim to the throne. Such a suspicion, of course, would at once be entertained by the friends of Mary, and such a suspicion, whether entertained in sincerity or affected, could form the sole excuse for the judicial sacrifice of the unfortunate lady Jane.

[State Paper Offlce, Domestic, Philip and Mary, No. 43.]


mary signature By the Queene.


The quene our Soveraign Lady geveth knowledge to all and singular her true and loving subjects, That Henry duke of Suffolk, with the Carews, Wyat and others, conspyring with hym, have by sowing of false and sedicious rumours raised certain evill disposed personnes in Kent unnaturallie to rise and rebell against hir heighnes. Mynding her graces destruction and to advaunce the lady Jane his daughter, and Guilforde Dudley hir husbande, the duke of Northumberlands sonne, her graces traytours attaynted unto hir Majesties Crowne. And therefore hir Majestie willeth all Maiors, Shirieffs, Bailieffs, Constables, and alle other hir officers ministres, and good subjects to whom it apperteyneth in this parte, To proclayme unto all hir graces loving subjectes within their severall offices The said Duke of Suffolk, his bretherne, and Thomas Wiatt of Kent, and all other thiere confederates, to be false traytours unto hir heighnes and hir crowne, and dignitie roiall And that hir Majestie hath sett fourthe her puissaunce to subdue the said traitours Trusting by the healpe and grace of God and the aide of hir said loving subjects utterly to confounde the said traitours Wherfore hir Majestie exhorteth all her true subjectes bearing true heartes to God and hir and hir crowne, and the realme of Englande, to put them selfes in order and redynes to resist the said duke and all his adherents and commanndementes, which service of hir Majesties loving subjectes hir grace shal consider to all their comfortes, besides that God will undoubtedly rewarde thier service."

The next document is a circular letter (probably addressed to lieutenants of counties and other powerful noblemen), desiring them to exert themselves to suppress the rebellion: --

[State Paper Office, Domestic, Philip and Mary, No 28, an original, signed, but not dated or directed. A duplicate original in the Bodleian Library, MS. Tanner, No. 90, p.196; printed by Miss Wood, Original Letters, vol iii. p. 287.]

By the Quene.

Mary the quene.

Trusty and right welbiloved, we grete you well. And where the duke of Suffolke and his brethern, with dyverse other personnes, forgettyng their treweth and dyutye of allegiaunce which they owe to God and us, and also the greate mercye which the sayd duke hath lately receyved of us, be as we are surely enformed revolted and malytyously conspyred togethers to styrr our people and subjectes moost unnaturally to rebell agaynst us, and the lawes lately made by aucthoritie of parlyament for the restitution of the true catholique chrestian Religion, making theyr only pretence nevertheles (though falsely) to let the cumming in of the Prynce of Spayne and his trayne, spredding most false rumours that the sayd Prynce and the Spanyardes entende to conquer this our Realme Wheras his sayd cumming is for the greate honour and suretye of us and our sayd Realme, as we doubt not God wyll in the end make a most playne demonstration to the comforthe of all our good subjectes. Therfore trusteng in your fidelitie, valyantnes, and good courage to serve us and our sayd Realme agaynst the sayd traytours and rebelles We requyre you immediatly upon the sight hereof to put yourself in order to represse the same with all the power, puissance, and force ye can possibly make of horsmen and footmen, as well of your own ffrendes, tenauntes, and servauntes, as others under your rule. To the levyeng, rayseng, and leading of which force we gyve you full power and aucthoritie by thies presentes. Willeng you furtherto have a vigilant eye to all suche as spredde those false rumours, and them t'apprehende and commyt to warde to be ordred as the lawe requyreth. And to th'intent our good subjectes shall fully understande uppon howe false a grounde the sayde traytours buylde, and howe honorably we have concluded to marye with the sayd Prynce, we sende unto you th'articles of the sayd conclusion for Mariage. Wherfore, right trusty and right welbiloved, as ye be a man of courage, and beare good harte to us your liege Lady and conntreye, nowe acquyte yourself according to your bounden dieutye which ye owe to God and us, and we shall considre the same God willing as shalbe to the good comfortes of you and yours. Yeven undre our Signet at our Manour of St. James the [27th] of January the first yere of our reigne.

The queen's pardon to "all such as would desist from their purpose" (see p. 38).

[MS. Cotton. Vesp. F. VII. p. 12.]

By the Quene.

Mary, the quene: (impressed with a wooden stamp.)

The Quenes highenes most excellent Majesty understanding how Thomas Wyat, confederat with other lewde and evill disposed personnes, have, under the pretense of the benefite of the commenwelthe of the Relame to withstande straungers, sette furthe a Proclamation, therby to assemble her highenes good, true, and lovinge subjectes, to the disturbaunce of the realme, the confusion of this commonwelth, and the destruction of her most noble personne and astate (which God forbidde), her saide highnes being mercifully moved towardes the conservation of her subjectes from all perill and daunger, and glad to relieve suche as shulde be by sinistre motions abused and seduced: hathe thought goode to signifie to her saide subjectes that whosoever upon any proclamation made and sette forthe by the said Thomas or any other private man, to the purpose aforesayde, shall happen to assemble accordinge to the same, and upon knowledge herof shall, within xxiiij houres after, returne to their houses and live there quietly and obediently: her highenes is contented to pardonne that their doinge in the saide assemblie, and to defende and manteyne them as her highenes good subjectes, to the benefite and comforte to them and their posteritie.

One further document from the State Paper Office (No. 47) is here appended: the portions printed in Italic types showing the additions by some person in high place, suggesting the manner in which those who had served queen Mary best were "to be rewarded." The earl of Pembroke's name was placed at the head by the same writer: --

The names of certaine lordes and gentlement that were with hir majestes power against the Rebelles. Endorse, to be rewardyd.

My lord of Pembrooke.

My lorde Admyrall -- to be a lord and Cli. land

My lorde Marshall. -- The purchase of his land.

My lorde Fytzwater. -- Lli in land.

My lorde of Ormonde.

My lorde Thomas Hawarde.

My lorde Gerat -- restitution of his land beyng in the quenes hand.

My lorde Dudley.

Sir John Parrot. -- Cli.

Sir Edward Bray. -- CC markes.

Sir Robert Tirwhit.

Sir George Hawarde. -- Cli.

Mr. Poynings -- consideration to be had in his debt.

Mr. Awdeley. -- CC markes.

Mr. Matson.

Mr. Lytton. -- Cli.

Mr. Pharman.

Mr. Warram St. Leger.

Mr. Hungerforde.

Mr. Byrche.

Mr. Cheynie.

Mr. Tirrell. -- Cli.

Mr. Worthington -- consideration of his debt and Lli.

Mr. Ferres. -- Cli.

Mr. Leghe. -- Cli.

Mr. Gowen, captein of the skowts -- consideration of his debt.

Mr. Barry, under marshal - Cli.

My lorde Stewardes men. -- CC markes.

Robert Palmer.

Mr. Robertes, one of his captaines, who with dyvers other of his fellowes dyd well.

My lord Privie Seal -- CC. markes.

Mr. Crayforde, capten of his horsemen.

Mr. Dudekey, captein of his footmen.

Mr. Drury, who with dyvers others dyd well.

My lorde Paget's men -- CC markes.

Jherom Palmer, capteine of his horsemen.

Wallwin, capteine of his footemen, who with dyvers others dyd very well.

My lorde Marshall's men -- CC markes.

Stephin Plasted,

William Jones, his capteins, who with dyvers others did well.

My lord lieutenauntes men -- CCLli.

Mr. Clerk, his lieutenant for the tyme.

Mr. Penruddock, the standard bearer.

Mr. Bellingham.

Mr. Broughton.

Mr. Highgate.

Mr. Champnes.

Morgan Johns, captaine of the footmen.

The mr. of the horses twoo captaynes -- Cli.

Edmund Tyrell -- Cli.

Another longer paper, No. 48, is a catalogue of the arms and armour delivered out of her Majesty's stores during the time of Wyat's rebellion, concluding with the list of a large number of arms which were "Lost and imbesilled at Westminster, the daye of the battell, which amonges others were appointed by the queenes majestie her owne commandement to serve upon the soubden."

Page 131, note. Holinshed's account of the defeat of Wyat's army is in fact that of Grafton's chronicle, and its author is known to have been George Ferrers [6] the poet and "lord of misrule to king Edward." It is so perfectly clear and accurate, that it could only be from unpardonable carelessness or want of apprehension that other erroneous accounts have been mingled with it by subsequent writers.

Page 133. Bishop Christopherson gives another interpretation to Mary's expression of reliance in "her captain":
"Who (the queen), while the field was in fyghtynge, was ferventlye occupied in prayinge. And when as tidinges was brought her, that by treason all was loste, she like a valiant champion of Christe, nothynge abashed therwith, sayd that she doubted not at al, but her Captayne (meaning thereby our Saviour Christe) woulde have the victory at lengthe, and falling to her prayers agayne, anone after had she worde broughte her, that her men had wonne the fielde, and that Wyate her enemies captayne was taken." Exhortation agaynst Rebellion, 1554, sig. O ij.